Monday, July 23, 2012

Creeds, Economics & Politics as Seen by Typical Russian Family


In a simple dining room with open pizza boxes, Russian culture can be dissected into observable slices. It is interesting to reflect my interaction with Olga Ivanovna, Andre Michaelovitch and Daria Andreevna, because hidden within some of the answers to my questions were deep emotional concerns about the future of Russia and an expressed love for this country. Both Andre and Olga gave typical answers for middle-aged Russian adults, but at certain points the questions generated a cause to pause and reflect on what their answers might mean. Daria, of course, is young, and her answers tended to be more flippant, also typical of a Russian girl.
            However, the answers viewed in a larger context provide more than a simple glimpse into three lives. They stand as cultural cues for all of Russia. Olga, Andre and Daria describe a Russia that is still trying to understand itself. Albeit with so many black and white answers, Russia still teeters on the brink of becoming. A love for family and country runs strong through their veins, and the caution in answering the questions so as to present a positive light on Russia speaks perhaps louder than the answers themselves. Truly for me, their answers were revolutionary.
Social Creed
There is a list of individual rights listed for Russian citizens. Too numerous to name, most of them are identical to America’s Bill of Rights, except for the practical application of those rights. Russian citizens cannot privately bear arms without registration and strict control. Their freedom of expression is also limited to whatever the government decides is appropriate. Families and clans have no rights above that of the individual. Interestingly, the state’s rights trump any individual rights.
Education is highly valued in Russian society and the official literacy rate is over 99%. With a number of public schools, the government provides education for children from grades 1 through 11. At that point a child either chooses a vocation or higher education. Higher education upon invitation used to be free, but now higher education has largely been privatized and now is quite costly. Almost all educational venues are secular, although the Russian government recently introduced mandatory Bible classes and classes on the subject of Russian Orthodox history in public schools.
The most respected job for a Russian is politician. They may not be the highest paid, but they are the most respected. Teachers are almost minimum wage workers. Olga said she desired for her children to become architects or veterinarians. Andre said the most traditional job is to be an engineer, but that did not mean you would get paid much. 
Russian law is severe and controlling in Russia. If ever accused of a crime, a person is considered guilty until proven innocent. Even in the courtroom the accused must sit behind bars in his attempt to prove his innocence. Police run the local scenes, while judges run the courtrooms.
The Russian government guarantees medical benefits, but it really does not work without paying additional monies to get what you need. There are hospitals with waiting lines and many people are turned out because they cannot pay for services.

Economics
According to Andre, Russia can be described as an oligarchy with capitalistic tendencies. He compares it to what America must have been like in the early 19th century in the wild, wild west. Olga sees a mixture of capitalism and socialism still at work in today’s society. Oil tycoon Khordokovsky is still trying to make appeals for his imprisonment for damages to the stability of the country through tax evasion.
With economic and vocation categories on par with American counterparts, Andre still sees an oligarchy with the majority of the country’s wealth in the pockets of a few. These few, he claims, are those who have been favored by the Kremlin and have given their support to president Putin.
Although the Russian society is supposedly a free market economy, oil has driven much of the wealth of the last decade in Russia. The central bank exchange rate has also been a major factor in the prices of food and commodities. Andre half-heartedly jokes that any average Russian keeps his savings not in banks but under his mattress. The flight of capital out of Russia over the last ten years has led some to question just how much monetary savings is being kept in Russia at all. These issues are a serious problem for a country that has somewhat successfully pulled itself through a financial crisis in 1998 and is currently experiencing another economic downturn this year. Prices have remained high, but salaries have not been commensurate.
The Kremlin tends to place tight controls on the flow of money in Russia. It is illegal, for example, to make transactions in any other currency than the Russian ruble. Anyone caught breaking these laws can expect huge fines. But the problem of corruption has deep-seated roots throughout every level of government. Therefore, the controls placed on financial transactions are often unnecessarily burdened with bribes. President Putin did a good job in fighting the widespread corruption in the government, but as a result he also reversed privatization in many areas.
Banks in Russia are controlled largely by the federal government. There are some private banks, but none of them are as strong and influential as the public institutions. Due to the economic crisis, a number of private institutions have recently been reclaimed by the federal government to protect the investment of their stakeholders.
Russia is a two-class system. For the last few years, sociologists have attempted to locate the emerging middle class in Russia. Historically, there has been a very large lower class or peasant class. After the fall of communism in 1991, there emerged a significant wealth controlled by a select few. Olga believes this wealthy class is the same group that held control under communism as well. Andre laughs at the idea of a middle class in Russia. He says it simply does not exist. He believes there was a true middle class under communism, but when asked for details he describes the masses that were the working class. Under communism there was no lower class.
Bartering may exist in some locations throughout Russia, but it is not a significant factor in the Russian economy. All the more so, it has become illegal to make transactions in Russia without reporting those transactions. This also applies to bartering, so transacting purchases without the use of currency has no real value in this society. In an attempt to control financial transactions, the Russian government has refused to allow legal bartering.
Russia wants to relate as an economic equal in the world, but in many ways it cannot. Andre believes the country is too unstable to be a key player in a world economy. Without a stable banking system and one that does not have its primary assets fixed to the volatility of oil production, Russia will not be able to succeed. Still, Russia has entered the 21st century as a new global player in economic summits. And, as Olga points out, Russia is still the mediator in many cases between the west and the east. China may relate better to Russians than to Americans. That is clearly the case with Muslim countries like Iran and Afghanistan. Ukraine and a few of the other countries from the former Commonwealth of Independent States have recently suffered economic hardship and resource shortages due to their aversion to Russia’s new position in the global market.
The Russian government makes an intentional nod at social security, but this has caused a great deal of civil response in recent years. Andre’s mother receives a meager social security check each month that barely covers her utility bills. Because the federal support is so low, many elderly have taken to the streets to beg for money or have their children provide extra income for food. Granted the government provides housing, basic medical care and free transportation for the elderly, many are still unable to buy clothing and monthly household supplies. More specialized medical care is nonexistent, as most providers have become privatized in the past decade.
Some nongovernmental agencies are attempting to provide relief, but lately they also have been met with a swift and firm code of restrictions. The Salvation Army was expelled from Russia, as they were considered a threat to national stability. Many protestant churches, which have traditionally been open to social ministries, are also being closed for expanding their evangelistic work into what is considered government business. Therefore, options for finding additional social support have become more limited in recent years. Both Andre and Olga find this disconcerting, while at the same time they support the political crackdown on nongovernmental organizations.

National Politics
Russians are who their country says they are. Whatever place the country occupies in the global market also defines the individual in Russia. Although it might not have always been the case, Andre sees no real difference these days between local politics and national politics. He believes it is being enforced from the top down.
            As a people group with a strong political identity, Russians see themselves as a key player in the world’s economy and politics. Olga believes the fall of communism did much to hurt Russia’s place in the world, but she also believes it was a necessary event. The world, in her opinion, had to change. As such, Russians are still trying to define who they are or perhaps who they will be in the world. Russians find an inner pride in being the first in space with Yuri Gagarin’s flight, but the fall of the Mir space station a few years ago really hurt national pride.
Conclusion
         My interaction with my neighbors was both enlightening and disturbing. If I only cared about politics, I might find some nuggets for debate. If I only cared about sociology, I might be left with more questions than answers. But I cared about Andre, Olga, and Daria- a typical and yet unique Russian family in the middle of a changing urban center. Perhaps this is where evangelism should begin. A love for Jesus must somehow intersect the Russian love for family. A love for God must somehow be displayed within the chaotic conflict of hope and despair. The struggle to survive on this earth should be the market for a free exchange of ideas, and within that exchange there should be the message of salvation. This anthropological probe is only the beginning, but the gospel can find contact points with each interpersonal dialogue. 

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